Đề luyện thi tốt nghiệp THPT môn Tiếng Anh nâng cao số 22
Đề luyện thi tốt nghiệp THPT môn Tiếng Anh số 22, gồm 40 câu trắc nghiệm nâng cao về từ vựng, ngữ pháp, liên kết văn bản và đọc hiểu theo định hướng đánh giá năng lực.
Câu 1.
At first glance, designing interoperable public services may appear no more complicated than putting paper forms on a website. Yet field teams describe it as profoundly (1) ______. To prepare students, a public institute runs a (2) ______ course entitled ‘Services That Connect’. The opening seminar (3) ______ why apparently minor choices matter, and mentoring is adapted (4) ______ each participant’s background. Experienced learners can (5) ______, while those not used to (6) ______ follow a carefully staged protocol.
Choose the option that best fits blank (1).
A. conceptually superficial
B. administratively effortless
C. technically routine
D. institutionally demanding
Câu 2.
At first glance, designing interoperable public services may appear no more complicated than putting paper forms on a website. Yet field teams describe it as profoundly (1) ______. To prepare students, a public institute runs a (2) ______ course entitled ‘Services That Connect’. The opening seminar (3) ______ why apparently minor choices matter, and mentoring is adapted (4) ______ each participant’s background. Experienced learners can (5) ______, while those not used to (6) ______ follow a carefully staged protocol.
Choose the option that best fits blank (2).
A. initiatively designed
B. initiative-led
C. initiating
D. people-centred
Câu 3.
At first glance, designing interoperable public services may appear no more complicated than putting paper forms on a website. Yet field teams describe it as profoundly (1) ______. To prepare students, a public institute runs a (2) ______ course entitled ‘Services That Connect’. The opening seminar (3) ______ why apparently minor choices matter, and mentoring is adapted (4) ______ each participant’s background. Experienced learners can (5) ______, while those not used to (6) ______ follow a carefully staged protocol.
Choose the option that best fits blank (3).
A. brief
B. outlines
C. outlinesed
D. outlinesing
Câu 4.
At first glance, designing interoperable public services may appear no more complicated than putting paper forms on a website. Yet field teams describe it as profoundly (1) ______. To prepare students, a public institute runs a (2) ______ course entitled ‘Services That Connect’. The opening seminar (3) ______ why apparently minor choices matter, and mentoring is adapted (4) ______ each participant’s background. Experienced learners can (5) ______, while those not used to (6) ______ follow a carefully staged protocol.
Choose the option that best fits blank (4).
A. to
B. on
C. with
D. for
Câu 5.
At first glance, designing interoperable public services may appear no more complicated than putting paper forms on a website. Yet field teams describe it as profoundly (1) ______. To prepare students, a public institute runs a (2) ______ course entitled ‘Services That Connect’. The opening seminar (3) ______ why apparently minor choices matter, and mentoring is adapted (4) ______ each participant’s background. Experienced learners can (5) ______, while those not used to (6) ______ follow a carefully staged protocol.
Choose the option that best fits blank (5).
A. make an evidence
B. advance the deeply
C. audit data-sharing rules
D. take deeper into
Câu 6.
At first glance, designing interoperable public services may appear no more complicated than putting paper forms on a website. Yet field teams describe it as profoundly (1) ______. To prepare students, a public institute runs a (2) ______ course entitled ‘Services That Connect’. The opening seminar (3) ______ why apparently minor choices matter, and mentoring is adapted (4) ______ each participant’s background. Experienced learners can (5) ______, while those not used to (6) ______ follow a carefully staged protocol.
Choose the option that best fits blank (6).
A. to mapping user journeys
B. mapp user journeys
C. mapping user journeys
D. have mapping user journeys
Câu 7.
A Better Response Begins Upstream
When organisations continue building isolated digital portals without common standards, they may (7) ______ the very problem they hope to solve. They frequently (8) ______ contextual information as well. Favour accessible public services when doing so addresses causes rather than symptoms. (9) ______ treating each incident in isolation, examine the full chain. Doing so can reduce the (10) ______ of preventable harm. Document identity records, payment messages, and consent logs (11) ______ and manage them (12) ______.
Choose the option that best fits blank (7).
A. duplicateing
B. duplicated
C. has been duplicateing
D. duplicate
Câu 8.
A Better Response Begins Upstream
When organisations continue building isolated digital portals without common standards, they may (7) ______ the very problem they hope to solve. They frequently (8) ______ contextual information as well. Favour accessible public services when doing so addresses causes rather than symptoms. (9) ______ treating each incident in isolation, examine the full chain. Doing so can reduce the (10) ______ of preventable harm. Document identity records, payment messages, and consent logs (11) ______ and manage them (12) ______.
Choose the option that best fits blank (8).
A. oversee to
B. look after
C. look over
D. overlook
Câu 9.
A Better Response Begins Upstream
When organisations continue building isolated digital portals without common standards, they may (7) ______ the very problem they hope to solve. They frequently (8) ______ contextual information as well. Favour accessible public services when doing so addresses causes rather than symptoms. (9) ______ treating each incident in isolation, examine the full chain. Doing so can reduce the (10) ______ of preventable harm. Document identity records, payment messages, and consent logs (11) ______ and manage them (12) ______.
Choose the option that best fits blank (9).
A. As far as
B. In view of
C. Instead of
D. On behalf of
Câu 10.
A Better Response Begins Upstream
When organisations continue building isolated digital portals without common standards, they may (7) ______ the very problem they hope to solve. They frequently (8) ______ contextual information as well. Favour accessible public services when doing so addresses causes rather than symptoms. (9) ______ treating each incident in isolation, examine the full chain. Doing so can reduce the (10) ______ of preventable harm. Document identity records, payment messages, and consent logs (11) ______ and manage them (12) ______.
Choose the option that best fits blank (10).
A. standard
B. quality
C. scale
D. number
Câu 11.
A Better Response Begins Upstream
When organisations continue building isolated digital portals without common standards, they may (7) ______ the very problem they hope to solve. They frequently (8) ______ contextual information as well. Favour accessible public services when doing so addresses causes rather than symptoms. (9) ______ treating each incident in isolation, examine the full chain. Doing so can reduce the (10) ______ of preventable harm. Document identity records, payment messages, and consent logs (11) ______ and manage them (12) ______.
Choose the option that best fits blank (11).
A. temporarily
B. securely
C. altogether
D. randomly
Câu 12.
A Better Response Begins Upstream
When organisations continue building isolated digital portals without common standards, they may (7) ______ the very problem they hope to solve. They frequently (8) ______ contextual information as well. Favour accessible public services when doing so addresses causes rather than symptoms. (9) ______ treating each incident in isolation, examine the full chain. Doing so can reduce the (10) ______ of preventable harm. Document identity records, payment messages, and consent logs (11) ______ and manage them (12) ______.
Choose the option that best fits blank (12).
A. responsive
B. responsibly
C. responsible
D. responsibility
Câu 13.
a. Linh: I thought digital public infrastructure was mainly about putting paper forms on a website.
b. Minh: The new evidence suggests the issue is far more institutionally demanding.
c. Linh: Then I should read the briefing before making that assumption again.
Choose the best arrangement to make a meaningful exchange or paragraph.
A. a – b – c
B. a – c – b
C. b – c – a
D. c – b – a
Câu 14.
a. Researcher: We need to decide whether the pilot on digital public infrastructure should expand.
b. Analyst: What outcome matters most to the affected groups?
c. Researcher: Not just speed; well-designed systems can reduce repeated paperwork, expand access, and make service delivery faster across agencies.
d. Analyst: Then the evaluation must include distributional effects, not only averages.
e. Researcher: Agreed. We will revise the indicators before the next phase.
Choose the best arrangement to make a meaningful exchange or paragraph.
A. b – c – d – e – a
B. a – c – d – e – b
C. e – d – c – b – a
D. a – b – c – d – e
Câu 15.
a. First, our team reviewed the assumption that putting paper forms on a website.
b. We then compared that assumption with observations from several settings.
c. The comparison revealed an important limitation: a high enrolment figure does not prove meaningful inclusion if people cannot correct records or use services without expensive devices.
d. Consequently, we redesigned the study to include contextual evidence.
e. The revised design produced conclusions that were narrower but more defensible.
Choose the best arrangement to make a meaningful exchange or paragraph.
A. a – b – c – d – e
B. b – c – d – e – a
C. a – c – d – e – b
D. e – d – c – b – a
Câu 16.
a. My interest in digital public infrastructure began with a local question rather than a grand theory.
b. During university, I learned that the issue involved public agencies, banks, technology providers, civil-society groups, and service users.
c. I therefore combined technical training with community-based fieldwork.
d. That combination eventually led me to coordinate the ‘Services That Connect’ programme.
e. I now value the role because it joins analysis with practical accountability.
Choose the best arrangement to make a meaningful exchange or paragraph.
A. a – c – d – e – b
B. b – c – d – e – a
C. e – d – c – b – a
D. a – b – c – d – e
Câu 17.
a. The town first treated digital public infrastructure as a narrow technical issue.
b. A series of disruptions then exposed links to public services and local livelihoods.
c. Officials responded by creating a cross-sector working group.
d. The group tested governments need privacy rules, grievance channels, accessibility standards, and transparent procurement alongside technical interoperability.
e. Although results improved, the programme retained monitoring because a high enrolment figure does not prove meaningful inclusion if people cannot correct records or use services without expensive devices.
Choose the best arrangement to make a meaningful exchange or paragraph.
A. b – c – d – e – a
B. e – d – c – b – a
C. a – b – c – d – e
D. a – c – d – e – b
Câu 18.
A public discussion about digital public infrastructure often begins with a simplified claim. (18) ______. The project did not accept that framing without investigation. (19) ______. Once responsibilities had been agreed, the team moved from consultation to analysis. (20) ______. This prevented a single dramatic case from dominating the conclusions. (21) ______. The aim was not to promise a universal solution but to identify defensible actions. (22) ______.
Choose the sentence that best fits blank (18).
A. By contrast, the project abandoned all measurements and relied entirely on intuition.
B. Evidence was then compared across settings rather than treated as universally identical.
C. The next stage examined the mechanism: its value comes from common standards and reusable components, not from a single application; different providers can connect while users retain consistent ways to identify themselves and authorise transactions.
D. That simplification is risky: a high enrolment figure does not prove meaningful inclusion if people cannot correct records or use services without expensive devices.
Câu 19.
A public discussion about digital public infrastructure often begins with a simplified claim. (18) ______. The project did not accept that framing without investigation. (19) ______. Once responsibilities had been agreed, the team moved from consultation to analysis. (20) ______. This prevented a single dramatic case from dominating the conclusions. (21) ______. The aim was not to promise a universal solution but to identify defensible actions. (22) ______.
Choose the sentence that best fits blank (19).
A. The final recommendations followed a broader principle: governments need privacy rules, grievance channels, accessibility standards, and transparent procurement alongside technical interoperability.
B. By contrast, the project abandoned all measurements and relied entirely on intuition.
C. In response, the ‘Services That Connect’ team began by consulting public agencies, banks, technology providers, civil-society groups, and service users.
D. Evidence was then compared across settings rather than treated as universally identical.
Câu 20.
A public discussion about digital public infrastructure often begins with a simplified claim. (18) ______. The project did not accept that framing without investigation. (19) ______. Once responsibilities had been agreed, the team moved from consultation to analysis. (20) ______. This prevented a single dramatic case from dominating the conclusions. (21) ______. The aim was not to promise a universal solution but to identify defensible actions. (22) ______.
Choose the sentence that best fits blank (20).
A. That simplification is risky: a high enrolment figure does not prove meaningful inclusion if people cannot correct records or use services without expensive devices.
B. The final recommendations followed a broader principle: governments need privacy rules, grievance channels, accessibility standards, and transparent procurement alongside technical interoperability.
C. The next stage examined the mechanism: its value comes from common standards and reusable components, not from a single application; different providers can connect while users retain consistent ways to identify themselves and authorise transactions.
D. In response, the ‘Services That Connect’ team began by consulting public agencies, banks, technology providers, civil-society groups, and service users.
Câu 21.
A public discussion about digital public infrastructure often begins with a simplified claim. (18) ______. The project did not accept that framing without investigation. (19) ______. Once responsibilities had been agreed, the team moved from consultation to analysis. (20) ______. This prevented a single dramatic case from dominating the conclusions. (21) ______. The aim was not to promise a universal solution but to identify defensible actions. (22) ______.
Choose the sentence that best fits blank (21).
A. The next stage examined the mechanism: its value comes from common standards and reusable components, not from a single application; different providers can connect while users retain consistent ways to identify themselves and authorise transactions.
B. Evidence was then compared across settings rather than treated as universally identical.
C. In response, the ‘Services That Connect’ team began by consulting public agencies, banks, technology providers, civil-society groups, and service users.
D. By contrast, the project abandoned all measurements and relied entirely on intuition.
Câu 22.
A public discussion about digital public infrastructure often begins with a simplified claim. (18) ______. The project did not accept that framing without investigation. (19) ______. Once responsibilities had been agreed, the team moved from consultation to analysis. (20) ______. This prevented a single dramatic case from dominating the conclusions. (21) ______. The aim was not to promise a universal solution but to identify defensible actions. (22) ______.
Choose the sentence that best fits blank (22).
A. In response, the ‘Services That Connect’ team began by consulting public agencies, banks, technology providers, civil-society groups, and service users.
B. By contrast, the project abandoned all measurements and relied entirely on intuition.
C. Evidence was then compared across settings rather than treated as universally identical.
D. The final recommendations followed a broader principle: governments need privacy rules, grievance channels, accessibility standards, and transparent procurement alongside technical interoperability.
Câu 23.
Paragraph 1. Digital public infrastructure refers to shared systems such as digital identification, interoperable payments, and secure data exchange that support many public and private services. Public debate, however, often reduces the issue to putting paper forms on a website. That narrow view overlooks the technical, social, and institutional relationships that determine real outcomes.
Paragraph 2. Its value comes from common standards and reusable components, not from a single application; different providers can connect while users retain consistent ways to identify themselves and authorise transactions. These processes explain why isolated observations can be misleading and why changes may differ among places or groups.
Paragraph 3. Programmes in several countries show that digital identity and payments can widen access, but outcomes depend on legal safeguards, offline alternatives, and institutional capacity. The evidence therefore supports careful action, but not mechanical conclusions. A high enrolment figure does not prove meaningful inclusion if people cannot correct records or use services without expensive devices.
Paragraph 4. Governments need privacy rules, grievance channels, accessibility standards, and transparent procurement alongside technical interoperability. The strongest programmes are moving from technology-first procurement toward modular systems tested against real user needs. In this sense, progress depends on both technical capacity and accountable cooperation among public agencies, banks, technology providers, civil-society groups, and service users.
Which of the following is NOT presented as a central feature of the issue?
A. The need to interpret evidence in context
B. A universal solution that works identically in every setting
C. A mechanism that produces varied outcomes
D. Cooperation among multiple stakeholders
Câu 24.
Paragraph 1. Digital public infrastructure refers to shared systems such as digital identification, interoperable payments, and secure data exchange that support many public and private services. Public debate, however, often reduces the issue to putting paper forms on a website. That narrow view overlooks the technical, social, and institutional relationships that determine real outcomes.
Paragraph 2. Its value comes from common standards and reusable components, not from a single application; different providers can connect while users retain consistent ways to identify themselves and authorise transactions. These processes explain why isolated observations can be misleading and why changes may differ among places or groups.
Paragraph 3. Programmes in several countries show that digital identity and payments can widen access, but outcomes depend on legal safeguards, offline alternatives, and institutional capacity. The evidence therefore supports careful action, but not mechanical conclusions. A high enrolment figure does not prove meaningful inclusion if people cannot correct records or use services without expensive devices.
Paragraph 4. Governments need privacy rules, grievance channels, accessibility standards, and transparent procurement alongside technical interoperability. The strongest programmes are moving from technology-first procurement toward modular systems tested against real user needs. In this sense, progress depends on both technical capacity and accountable cooperation among public agencies, banks, technology providers, civil-society groups, and service users.
The word ‘overlooks’ in paragraph 1 is OPPOSITE in meaning to ______.
A. recognises
B. misses
C. ignores
D. neglects
Câu 25.
Paragraph 1. Digital public infrastructure refers to shared systems such as digital identification, interoperable payments, and secure data exchange that support many public and private services. Public debate, however, often reduces the issue to putting paper forms on a website. That narrow view overlooks the technical, social, and institutional relationships that determine real outcomes.
Paragraph 2. Its value comes from common standards and reusable components, not from a single application; different providers can connect while users retain consistent ways to identify themselves and authorise transactions. These processes explain why isolated observations can be misleading and why changes may differ among places or groups.
Paragraph 3. Programmes in several countries show that digital identity and payments can widen access, but outcomes depend on legal safeguards, offline alternatives, and institutional capacity. The evidence therefore supports careful action, but not mechanical conclusions. A high enrolment figure does not prove meaningful inclusion if people cannot correct records or use services without expensive devices.
Paragraph 4. Governments need privacy rules, grievance channels, accessibility standards, and transparent procurement alongside technical interoperability. The strongest programmes are moving from technology-first procurement toward modular systems tested against real user needs. In this sense, progress depends on both technical capacity and accountable cooperation among public agencies, banks, technology providers, civil-society groups, and service users.
The phrase ‘These processes’ in paragraph 2 refers to ______.
A. The strongest programmes are moving from technology-first procurement toward modular systems tested against real user needs.
B. Governments need privacy rules, grievance channels, accessibility standards, and transparent procurement alongside technical interoperability.
C. putting paper forms on a website
D. Its value comes from common standards and reusable components, not from a single application; different providers can connect while users retain consistent ways to identify themselves and authorise transactions.
Câu 26.
Paragraph 1. Digital public infrastructure refers to shared systems such as digital identification, interoperable payments, and secure data exchange that support many public and private services. Public debate, however, often reduces the issue to putting paper forms on a website. That narrow view overlooks the technical, social, and institutional relationships that determine real outcomes.
Paragraph 2. Its value comes from common standards and reusable components, not from a single application; different providers can connect while users retain consistent ways to identify themselves and authorise transactions. These processes explain why isolated observations can be misleading and why changes may differ among places or groups.
Paragraph 3. Programmes in several countries show that digital identity and payments can widen access, but outcomes depend on legal safeguards, offline alternatives, and institutional capacity. The evidence therefore supports careful action, but not mechanical conclusions. A high enrolment figure does not prove meaningful inclusion if people cannot correct records or use services without expensive devices.
Paragraph 4. Governments need privacy rules, grievance channels, accessibility standards, and transparent procurement alongside technical interoperability. The strongest programmes are moving from technology-first procurement toward modular systems tested against real user needs. In this sense, progress depends on both technical capacity and accountable cooperation among public agencies, banks, technology providers, civil-society groups, and service users.
The word ‘mechanical’ in paragraph 3 could best be replaced by ______.
A. carefully calibrated
B. socially negotiated
C. physically engineered
D. automatic and uncritical
Câu 27.
Paragraph 1. Digital public infrastructure refers to shared systems such as digital identification, interoperable payments, and secure data exchange that support many public and private services. Public debate, however, often reduces the issue to putting paper forms on a website. That narrow view overlooks the technical, social, and institutional relationships that determine real outcomes.
Paragraph 2. Its value comes from common standards and reusable components, not from a single application; different providers can connect while users retain consistent ways to identify themselves and authorise transactions. These processes explain why isolated observations can be misleading and why changes may differ among places or groups.
Paragraph 3. Programmes in several countries show that digital identity and payments can widen access, but outcomes depend on legal safeguards, offline alternatives, and institutional capacity. The evidence therefore supports careful action, but not mechanical conclusions. A high enrolment figure does not prove meaningful inclusion if people cannot correct records or use services without expensive devices.
Paragraph 4. Governments need privacy rules, grievance channels, accessibility standards, and transparent procurement alongside technical interoperability. The strongest programmes are moving from technology-first procurement toward modular systems tested against real user needs. In this sense, progress depends on both technical capacity and accountable cooperation among public agencies, banks, technology providers, civil-society groups, and service users.
Which option best paraphrases the final sentence of paragraph 3?
A. The evidence should guide action, but its limits and context must still be considered.
B. Once evidence exists, the same action should be taken everywhere.
C. Context matters only when no scientific observations are available.
D. Evidence is too uncertain to support any practical response.
Câu 28.
Paragraph 1. Digital public infrastructure refers to shared systems such as digital identification, interoperable payments, and secure data exchange that support many public and private services. Public debate, however, often reduces the issue to putting paper forms on a website. That narrow view overlooks the technical, social, and institutional relationships that determine real outcomes.
Paragraph 2. Its value comes from common standards and reusable components, not from a single application; different providers can connect while users retain consistent ways to identify themselves and authorise transactions. These processes explain why isolated observations can be misleading and why changes may differ among places or groups.
Paragraph 3. Programmes in several countries show that digital identity and payments can widen access, but outcomes depend on legal safeguards, offline alternatives, and institutional capacity. The evidence therefore supports careful action, but not mechanical conclusions. A high enrolment figure does not prove meaningful inclusion if people cannot correct records or use services without expensive devices.
Paragraph 4. Governments need privacy rules, grievance channels, accessibility standards, and transparent procurement alongside technical interoperability. The strongest programmes are moving from technology-first procurement toward modular systems tested against real user needs. In this sense, progress depends on both technical capacity and accountable cooperation among public agencies, banks, technology providers, civil-society groups, and service users.
Which of the following is TRUE according to the passage?
A. The strongest programmes are moving from technology-first procurement toward modular systems tested against real user needs.
B. The passage argues that technical monitoring is unnecessary.
C. The issue can be solved by changing individual behaviour alone.
D. The passage treats all affected groups as experiencing identical conditions.
Câu 29.
Paragraph 1. Digital public infrastructure refers to shared systems such as digital identification, interoperable payments, and secure data exchange that support many public and private services. Public debate, however, often reduces the issue to putting paper forms on a website. That narrow view overlooks the technical, social, and institutional relationships that determine real outcomes.
Paragraph 2. Its value comes from common standards and reusable components, not from a single application; different providers can connect while users retain consistent ways to identify themselves and authorise transactions. These processes explain why isolated observations can be misleading and why changes may differ among places or groups.
Paragraph 3. Programmes in several countries show that digital identity and payments can widen access, but outcomes depend on legal safeguards, offline alternatives, and institutional capacity. The evidence therefore supports careful action, but not mechanical conclusions. A high enrolment figure does not prove meaningful inclusion if people cannot correct records or use services without expensive devices.
Paragraph 4. Governments need privacy rules, grievance channels, accessibility standards, and transparent procurement alongside technical interoperability. The strongest programmes are moving from technology-first procurement toward modular systems tested against real user needs. In this sense, progress depends on both technical capacity and accountable cooperation among public agencies, banks, technology providers, civil-society groups, and service users.
In which paragraph does the writer explain a causal mechanism?
A. Paragraph 2
B. Paragraph 4
C. Paragraph 1
D. Paragraph 3
Câu 30.
Paragraph 1. Digital public infrastructure refers to shared systems such as digital identification, interoperable payments, and secure data exchange that support many public and private services. Public debate, however, often reduces the issue to putting paper forms on a website. That narrow view overlooks the technical, social, and institutional relationships that determine real outcomes.
Paragraph 2. Its value comes from common standards and reusable components, not from a single application; different providers can connect while users retain consistent ways to identify themselves and authorise transactions. These processes explain why isolated observations can be misleading and why changes may differ among places or groups.
Paragraph 3. Programmes in several countries show that digital identity and payments can widen access, but outcomes depend on legal safeguards, offline alternatives, and institutional capacity. The evidence therefore supports careful action, but not mechanical conclusions. A high enrolment figure does not prove meaningful inclusion if people cannot correct records or use services without expensive devices.
Paragraph 4. Governments need privacy rules, grievance channels, accessibility standards, and transparent procurement alongside technical interoperability. The strongest programmes are moving from technology-first procurement toward modular systems tested against real user needs. In this sense, progress depends on both technical capacity and accountable cooperation among public agencies, banks, technology providers, civil-society groups, and service users.
In which paragraph does the writer discuss future-oriented methods and cooperation?
A. Paragraph 3
B. Paragraph 4
C. Paragraph 1
D. Paragraph 2
Câu 31.
[I] Efforts to address digital public infrastructure have expanded as its links to wider social, environmental, and institutional outcomes have become clearer. [II] Yet expansion has also exposed a recurring mistake: success is often measured through a single convenient indicator. [III] For that reason, an apparently efficient intervention may fail when it ignores who bears the costs and who can influence decisions. [IV]
Paragraph 2. Several forces encourage narrow decision-making. Agencies may face short funding cycles, incomplete data, fragmented responsibilities, and pressure to announce rapid results. These constraints can privilege visible outputs over durable outcomes.
Paragraph 3. The consequences are not merely technical. A measure may improve an average while worsening conditions for a vulnerable group; it may solve one stage of a problem while transferring costs to another; or it may create dependence on systems that local institutions cannot maintain.
Paragraph 4. A more credible approach begins by defining the problem with affected people, testing assumptions, comparing alternatives, and monitoring unintended effects. Although this process is slower, it makes adaptation possible when conditions change. In complex systems, the quality of learning can be as important as the apparent certainty of an initial plan.
Where in paragraph 1 does the following sentence best fit?
‘A broader evaluation must therefore examine distribution, governance, and long-term capacity.’
A. [IV]
B. [III]
C. [II]
D. [I]
Câu 32.
[I] Efforts to address digital public infrastructure have expanded as its links to wider social, environmental, and institutional outcomes have become clearer. [II] Yet expansion has also exposed a recurring mistake: success is often measured through a single convenient indicator. [III] For that reason, an apparently efficient intervention may fail when it ignores who bears the costs and who can influence decisions. [IV]
Paragraph 2. Several forces encourage narrow decision-making. Agencies may face short funding cycles, incomplete data, fragmented responsibilities, and pressure to announce rapid results. These constraints can privilege visible outputs over durable outcomes.
Paragraph 3. The consequences are not merely technical. A measure may improve an average while worsening conditions for a vulnerable group; it may solve one stage of a problem while transferring costs to another; or it may create dependence on systems that local institutions cannot maintain.
Paragraph 4. A more credible approach begins by defining the problem with affected people, testing assumptions, comparing alternatives, and monitoring unintended effects. Although this process is slower, it makes adaptation possible when conditions change. In complex systems, the quality of learning can be as important as the apparent certainty of an initial plan.
The phrase ‘privilege visible outputs’ in paragraph 2 could best be replaced by ______.
A. guarantee that benefits will last
B. remove every measurable result
C. hide outcomes from public review
D. give priority to results that are easy to display
Câu 33.
[I] Efforts to address digital public infrastructure have expanded as its links to wider social, environmental, and institutional outcomes have become clearer. [II] Yet expansion has also exposed a recurring mistake: success is often measured through a single convenient indicator. [III] For that reason, an apparently efficient intervention may fail when it ignores who bears the costs and who can influence decisions. [IV]
Paragraph 2. Several forces encourage narrow decision-making. Agencies may face short funding cycles, incomplete data, fragmented responsibilities, and pressure to announce rapid results. These constraints can privilege visible outputs over durable outcomes.
Paragraph 3. The consequences are not merely technical. A measure may improve an average while worsening conditions for a vulnerable group; it may solve one stage of a problem while transferring costs to another; or it may create dependence on systems that local institutions cannot maintain.
Paragraph 4. A more credible approach begins by defining the problem with affected people, testing assumptions, comparing alternatives, and monitoring unintended effects. Although this process is slower, it makes adaptation possible when conditions change. In complex systems, the quality of learning can be as important as the apparent certainty of an initial plan.
The word ‘These’ in paragraph 2 refers to ______.
A. complex systems
B. durable outcomes
C. affected people
D. short funding cycles, incomplete data, fragmented duties, and pressure for quick results
Câu 34.
[I] Efforts to address digital public infrastructure have expanded as its links to wider social, environmental, and institutional outcomes have become clearer. [II] Yet expansion has also exposed a recurring mistake: success is often measured through a single convenient indicator. [III] For that reason, an apparently efficient intervention may fail when it ignores who bears the costs and who can influence decisions. [IV]
Paragraph 2. Several forces encourage narrow decision-making. Agencies may face short funding cycles, incomplete data, fragmented responsibilities, and pressure to announce rapid results. These constraints can privilege visible outputs over durable outcomes.
Paragraph 3. The consequences are not merely technical. A measure may improve an average while worsening conditions for a vulnerable group; it may solve one stage of a problem while transferring costs to another; or it may create dependence on systems that local institutions cannot maintain.
Paragraph 4. A more credible approach begins by defining the problem with affected people, testing assumptions, comparing alternatives, and monitoring unintended effects. Although this process is slower, it makes adaptation possible when conditions change. In complex systems, the quality of learning can be as important as the apparent certainty of an initial plan.
According to paragraph 2, which of the following is NOT a force behind narrow decisions?
A. Long-term institutional learning
B. Pressure for rapid results
C. Fragmented responsibilities
D. Short funding cycles
Câu 35.
[I] Efforts to address digital public infrastructure have expanded as its links to wider social, environmental, and institutional outcomes have become clearer. [II] Yet expansion has also exposed a recurring mistake: success is often measured through a single convenient indicator. [III] For that reason, an apparently efficient intervention may fail when it ignores who bears the costs and who can influence decisions. [IV]
Paragraph 2. Several forces encourage narrow decision-making. Agencies may face short funding cycles, incomplete data, fragmented responsibilities, and pressure to announce rapid results. These constraints can privilege visible outputs over durable outcomes.
Paragraph 3. The consequences are not merely technical. A measure may improve an average while worsening conditions for a vulnerable group; it may solve one stage of a problem while transferring costs to another; or it may create dependence on systems that local institutions cannot maintain.
Paragraph 4. A more credible approach begins by defining the problem with affected people, testing assumptions, comparing alternatives, and monitoring unintended effects. Although this process is slower, it makes adaptation possible when conditions change. In complex systems, the quality of learning can be as important as the apparent certainty of an initial plan.
Which option best summarises paragraph 3?
A. Technical measures always benefit vulnerable groups first.
B. Maintenance capacity is unrelated to policy effectiveness.
C. Average improvement proves that no one is disadvantaged.
D. A seemingly successful measure can redistribute harm or create new weaknesses.
Câu 36.
[I] Efforts to address digital public infrastructure have expanded as its links to wider social, environmental, and institutional outcomes have become clearer. [II] Yet expansion has also exposed a recurring mistake: success is often measured through a single convenient indicator. [III] For that reason, an apparently efficient intervention may fail when it ignores who bears the costs and who can influence decisions. [IV]
Paragraph 2. Several forces encourage narrow decision-making. Agencies may face short funding cycles, incomplete data, fragmented responsibilities, and pressure to announce rapid results. These constraints can privilege visible outputs over durable outcomes.
Paragraph 3. The consequences are not merely technical. A measure may improve an average while worsening conditions for a vulnerable group; it may solve one stage of a problem while transferring costs to another; or it may create dependence on systems that local institutions cannot maintain.
Paragraph 4. A more credible approach begins by defining the problem with affected people, testing assumptions, comparing alternatives, and monitoring unintended effects. Although this process is slower, it makes adaptation possible when conditions change. In complex systems, the quality of learning can be as important as the apparent certainty of an initial plan.
The word ‘credible’ in paragraph 4 is OPPOSITE in meaning to ______.
A. trustworthy
B. reliable
C. unconvincing
D. defensible
Câu 37.
[I] Efforts to address digital public infrastructure have expanded as its links to wider social, environmental, and institutional outcomes have become clearer. [II] Yet expansion has also exposed a recurring mistake: success is often measured through a single convenient indicator. [III] For that reason, an apparently efficient intervention may fail when it ignores who bears the costs and who can influence decisions. [IV]
Paragraph 2. Several forces encourage narrow decision-making. Agencies may face short funding cycles, incomplete data, fragmented responsibilities, and pressure to announce rapid results. These constraints can privilege visible outputs over durable outcomes.
Paragraph 3. The consequences are not merely technical. A measure may improve an average while worsening conditions for a vulnerable group; it may solve one stage of a problem while transferring costs to another; or it may create dependence on systems that local institutions cannot maintain.
Paragraph 4. A more credible approach begins by defining the problem with affected people, testing assumptions, comparing alternatives, and monitoring unintended effects. Although this process is slower, it makes adaptation possible when conditions change. In complex systems, the quality of learning can be as important as the apparent certainty of an initial plan.
Which of the following is TRUE according to the passage?
A. A single indicator is sufficient in complex systems.
B. Consultation should occur only after a programme has ended.
C. Rapid announcements usually produce durable outcomes.
D. Monitoring unintended effects helps programmes adapt when circumstances change.
Câu 38.
[I] Efforts to address digital public infrastructure have expanded as its links to wider social, environmental, and institutional outcomes have become clearer. [II] Yet expansion has also exposed a recurring mistake: success is often measured through a single convenient indicator. [III] For that reason, an apparently efficient intervention may fail when it ignores who bears the costs and who can influence decisions. [IV]
Paragraph 2. Several forces encourage narrow decision-making. Agencies may face short funding cycles, incomplete data, fragmented responsibilities, and pressure to announce rapid results. These constraints can privilege visible outputs over durable outcomes.
Paragraph 3. The consequences are not merely technical. A measure may improve an average while worsening conditions for a vulnerable group; it may solve one stage of a problem while transferring costs to another; or it may create dependence on systems that local institutions cannot maintain.
Paragraph 4. A more credible approach begins by defining the problem with affected people, testing assumptions, comparing alternatives, and monitoring unintended effects. Although this process is slower, it makes adaptation possible when conditions change. In complex systems, the quality of learning can be as important as the apparent certainty of an initial plan.
Which option best paraphrases the final sentence of the passage?
A. Learning is useful only when an initial plan completely fails.
B. Initial plans should never be revised once implementation begins.
C. Complex systems become simple when enough indicators are collected.
D. In complicated situations, the ability to learn may matter as much as confidence in the first design.
Câu 39.
[I] Efforts to address digital public infrastructure have expanded as its links to wider social, environmental, and institutional outcomes have become clearer. [II] Yet expansion has also exposed a recurring mistake: success is often measured through a single convenient indicator. [III] For that reason, an apparently efficient intervention may fail when it ignores who bears the costs and who can influence decisions. [IV]
Paragraph 2. Several forces encourage narrow decision-making. Agencies may face short funding cycles, incomplete data, fragmented responsibilities, and pressure to announce rapid results. These constraints can privilege visible outputs over durable outcomes.
Paragraph 3. The consequences are not merely technical. A measure may improve an average while worsening conditions for a vulnerable group; it may solve one stage of a problem while transferring costs to another; or it may create dependence on systems that local institutions cannot maintain.
Paragraph 4. A more credible approach begins by defining the problem with affected people, testing assumptions, comparing alternatives, and monitoring unintended effects. Although this process is slower, it makes adaptation possible when conditions change. In complex systems, the quality of learning can be as important as the apparent certainty of an initial plan.
What can be inferred from the passage?
A. Affected groups necessarily agree on every policy choice.
B. Programmes that look efficient in the short term may be fragile if they ignore governance and maintenance.
C. The slowest programme is always the most effective.
D. Quantitative indicators should be eliminated from evaluation.
Câu 40.
[I] Efforts to address digital public infrastructure have expanded as its links to wider social, environmental, and institutional outcomes have become clearer. [II] Yet expansion has also exposed a recurring mistake: success is often measured through a single convenient indicator. [III] For that reason, an apparently efficient intervention may fail when it ignores who bears the costs and who can influence decisions. [IV]
Paragraph 2. Several forces encourage narrow decision-making. Agencies may face short funding cycles, incomplete data, fragmented responsibilities, and pressure to announce rapid results. These constraints can privilege visible outputs over durable outcomes.
Paragraph 3. The consequences are not merely technical. A measure may improve an average while worsening conditions for a vulnerable group; it may solve one stage of a problem while transferring costs to another; or it may create dependence on systems that local institutions cannot maintain.
Paragraph 4. A more credible approach begins by defining the problem with affected people, testing assumptions, comparing alternatives, and monitoring unintended effects. Although this process is slower, it makes adaptation possible when conditions change. In complex systems, the quality of learning can be as important as the apparent certainty of an initial plan.
Which option best summarises the passage?
A. Addressing digital public infrastructure requires broader evaluation, participation, comparison of alternatives, and continuous learning rather than reliance on one convenient indicator.
B. Because digital public infrastructure is complex, governments should postpone action until complete data are available.
C. The best way to address digital public infrastructure is to select the fastest measurable intervention and avoid later changes.
D. Technical expertise alone can resolve digital public infrastructure without attention to distribution or institutions.
